"Fierce People" redirects here. For the film, see Fierce People (film).

Yanomami woman and her child, June 1997
Total population
(approximately 35,338[1])
Regions with significant populations
 Venezuela (southeastern) 16,000 (2009)
 Brazil (northern) 19,338 (2011)
Yanomaman languages

The Yanomami, also spelled Yąnomamö or Yanomama, are a group of approximately 35,000 indigenous people who live in some 200–250 villages in the Amazon rainforest on the border between Venezuela and Brazil.

The name Yanomami

The ethnonym Yanomami was produced by anthropologists on the basis of the word yanõmami which, in the expression yanõmami thëpë, signifies "human beings." This expression is opposed to the categories yaro (game animals) and yai (invisible or nameless beings), but also napë (enemy, stranger, non-Indian).[2]

According to ethnologist Jacques Lizot:

Yanomami is the Indians' self-denomination...the term refers to communities disseminated to the south of the Orinoco, [whereas] the variant Yanomawi is used to refer to communities north of the Orinoco. The term Sanumá corresponds to a dialect reserved for a cultural subgroup, much influenced by the neighboring Ye'kuana people. Other denominations applied to the Yanomami include Waika or Waica, Guiaca, Shiriana, Shirishana, Guaharibo or Guajaribo, Yanoama, Ninam, and Xamatari or Shamatari.[3]


The first report of the Yanomami to the Western world is from 1759, when a Spanish expedition under Apolinar Diez de la Fuente visited some Ye'kuana people living on the Padamo River. Diez wrote:

By interlocution of an Uramanavi Indian, I asked Chief Yoni if he had navigated by the Orinoco to its headwaters; he replied yes, and that he had gone to make war against the Guaharibo [Yanomami] Indians, who were not very brave...and who will not be friends with any kind of Indian.[4]

From approximately 1630 to 1720 the complex river-based societies, previously noted all around them, were wiped out or reduced as a result of slave-hunting expeditions by the conquistadors and bandeirantes.[5] Whether this affected the Yanomami, and how, are matters of pure speculation.

Sustained contact with the outside world began in the 1950s with the arrival of members of the New Tribes Mission[6] as well as Catholic missionaries from the Society of Jesus and Salesians of Don Bosco.[7]

In Roraima, the 1970s saw the implementation of development projects within the framework of the "National Integration Plan" launched by the Brazilian military governments of the time. This meant the opening of a stretch of perimeter road (1973–76) and various colonization programs on land traditionally occupied by the Yanomami. During the same period, the Amazonian resources survey project RADAM (1975) detected important mineral deposits in the region. This triggered a progressive movement of gold prospectors, which after 1987 took the form of a real gold rush. Hundreds of clandestine runways were opened by gold miners in the major tributaries of the Branco River between 1987 and 1990. The number of gold miners in the Yanomami area of Roraima was then estimated at 30 to 40,000, about five times the indigenous population resident there. Although the intensity of this gold rush has subsided a lot since 1990, gold prospecting continues today in the Yanomami land, spreading violence and serious health and social problems.[8]

Increasing pressure from farmers, cattle-ranchers and gold miners, as well as those interested in securing the Brazilian border by constructing roads and military bases near Yanomami communities, led to a campaign to defend the rights of the Yanomami to live in a protected area. In 1978 the Pro-Yanomami Commission (CCPY) was established. Originally named the Commission for the Creation of a Yanomami Park, it is a Brazilian non-governmental nonprofit organization dedicated to the defense of the territorial, cultural and civil and political rights of the Yanomami. CCPY devoted itself to a long national and international campaign to inform and sensitize public opinion and put pressure on the Brazilian Government to demarcate an area suited to the needs of the Yanomami. After 13 years the Yanomami indigenous land was officially demarcated in 1991 and approved and registered in 1992, thus ensuring that indigenous people had the constitutional right to the exclusive use of almost 96,650 square kilometres (37,320 sq mi) located in the States of Roraima and Amazonas.[9]

While the Constitution of Venezuela recognizes indigenous peoples’ rights to their ancestral domains, few have received official title to their territories and the government has announced it will open up large parts of the Amazon rainforest to legal mining.[10]


The Yanomami do not recognize themselves as a united group, rather individuals associated with their politically autonomous village. Yanomami communities are grouped together because they have a similar cultural and linguistic background. Marriage, kinship, and militaristic coalitions interweave communities together. The Yanomami have common historical ties to Carib speakers who resided near the Orinoco river and moved to the highlands of Brazil and Venezuela, the location the Yanomami currently occupy.[11]

Mature men hold most political religious authority. A tuxawa (headman) acts as the leader of each village, but no one leader presides over the whole of those classified as Yanomami. Headmen gain political power by demonstrating skill in settling disputes both within the village and with neighbouring communities. A consensus of mature males is usually required for action that involves the community, but individuals are not required to take part.[12]

Domestic life and diet

Yanomami shabono

The Yanomami live in villages usually consisting of their children and extended families. Village sizes vary, but usually contain between 50 and 400 native people. In this largely communal system, the entire village lives under a common roof called the shabono. Shabonos have a characteristic oval shape, with open grounds in the centre measuring an average of 100 yards (91 m). The shabono shelter constitutes the perimeter of the village, if it has not been fortified with palisades.

Under the roof, divisions exist marked only by support posts, partitioning individual houses and spaces. Shabonos are built from raw materials from the surrounding rainforest, such as leaves, vines, and tree trunks. They are susceptible to heavy damage from rains, winds, and insect infestation. As a result, new shabonos are constructed every 4 to 6 years.

The Yanomami can be classified as foraging horticulturalists, depending heavily on rainforest resources; they use slash-and-burn horticulture, grow bananas, gather fruit, and hunt animals and fish. Yanomami frequently move to avoid areas that become overused, a practice known as shifting cultivation when the soil becomes exhausted.

Yanomami women in Venezuela

Children stay close to their mothers when young; most of the childrearing is done by women. The Yanomami are among the few societies in the world to practice true polygamy, meaning that both polyandry and polygyny have been observed, though many unions are monogamous. Polygamous families consist of a large patrifocal family unit based on one man, and smaller matrifocal subfamilies: each woman's family unit, composed of the woman and her children. Life in the village is centered around the small, matrilocal family unit, whereas the larger patrilocal unit has more political importance beyond the village.

The Yanomami are known as hunters, fishers, and horticulturists. The women cultivate cooking plantains and cassava in gardens as their main crops. Men do the heavy work of clearing areas of forest for the gardens. Another food source for the Yanomami is grubs.[13] Often the Yanomami will cut down palms in order to facilitate the growth of grubs. The traditional Yanomami diet is very low in edible salt. Their blood pressure is characteristically among the lowest of any demographic group.[14] For this reason, the Yanomami have been the subject of studies seeking to link hypertension to sodium consumption.

Location of the Yanomami peoples

Rituals are a very important part of Yanomami culture. The Yanomami celebrate a good harvest with a big feast to which nearby villages are invited. The Yanomami village members gather large amounts of food, which helps to maintain good relations with their neighbours. They also decorate their bodies with feathers and flowers. During the feast, the Yanomami eat a lot, and the women dance and sing late into the night.

Hallucinogens or entheogens, known as yakoana or ebene, are used by Yanomami shamans as part of healing rituals for members of the community who are ill. Yakoana, also refers to the tree from which it is derived, Virola elongata. Yopo, derived from a different plant with hallucinogenic effects (Anadenanthera peregrina), is usually cultivated in the garden by the shaman. The Xamatari also mix the powdered bark of Virola elongata with the powdered seeds of yopo to create the drug ebene. The drugs facilitate communication with the hekura, spirits that are believed to govern many aspects of the physical world. Women do not engage in this practice, known as shapuri.[15]

The Yanomami people practice ritual endocannibalism, in which they consume the bones of deceased kinsmen.[16] The body is wrapped in leaves and placed in the forest some distance from the shabono, then after insects have consumed the soft tissue (usually about 30 to 45 days), the bones are collected and cremated. The ashes are then mixed with a kind of soup made from bananas which is consumed by the entire community. The ashes may be preserved in a gourd and the ritual repeated annually until the ashes are gone. In daily conversation, no reference may be made to a dead person except on the annual "day of remembrance", when the ashes of the dead are consumed and people recall the lives of their deceased relatives. This tradition is meant to strengthen the Yanomami people and keep the spirit of that individual alive.

The women are responsible for many domestic duties and chores, excluding hunting and killing game for food. Although the women do not hunt, they do work in the gardens and gather fruits, tubers, nuts and other wild foodstuffs. The garden plots are sectioned off by family, and grow bananas, plantains, sugarcane, mangoes, sweet potatoes, papayas, cassava, maize, and other crops.[17] Yanomami women cultivate until the gardens are no longer fertile, and then move their plots. Women are expected to carry 70 to 80 pounds (32 to 36 kg) of crops on their backs during harvesting, using bark straps and woven baskets.[18]

In the mornings, while the men are off hunting, the women and young children go off in search of termite nests and other grubs, which will later be roasted at the family hearths. The women also pursue frogs, terrestrial crabs, or caterpillars, or even look for vines that can be woven into baskets. While some women gather these small sources of food, other women go off and fish for several hours during the day.[19] The women also prepare cassava, shredding the roots and expressing the toxic juice, then roasting the flour to make flat cakes, which they cook over a small pile of coals.[20]

Yanomami women are expected to take responsibility for the children, who are expected to help their mothers with domestic chores from a very young age, and mothers rely very much on help from their daughters. Boys typically become the responsibility of the male members of the community after about age 8.

Using small strings of bark and roots, Yanomami women weave and decorate baskets. They use these baskets to carry plants, crops, and food to bring back to the shabono.[18] They use a red berry known as onoto or urucu to dye the baskets, as well as to paint their bodies and dye their loin cloths.[19] After the baskets are painted, they are further decorated with masticated charcoal pigment.[21]

Female puberty and menstruation

Yanomami girl at Xidea, Brazil
Main article: Yanomami women

The start of menstruation symbolizes the beginning of womanhood. Girls typically get their periods between the ages of 10 and 12, and as soon as the period begins, girls are married off. Due to the belief that menstrual blood is poisonous and dangerous, girls are kept hidden away in a small tent-like structure constructed of a screen of leaves. A deep hole is built in the structure over which girls squat, to "rid themselves" of their blood. These structures are regarded as isolation screens.[22]

The mother is notified immediately, and she, along with the elder female friends of the girl, are responsible for disposing of her old cotton garments and must replace them with new ones symbolizing her womanhood and availability for betrothal.[22] During the week of that first menstrual period the girl is fed with a stick, for she is forbidden to touch the food in any way. While on confinement she has to whisper when speaking and she may only speak to close kin, such as siblings or parents, but never a male.[16]

Up until the time of menstruation, girls are treated as children, and are only responsible for assisting their mothers in household work. When they approach the age of menstruation, they are sought out by men as potential wives. Puberty is not seen as a significant time period with male Yanomami children, but it is considered very important for females. After menstruating for the first time, the girls are expected to leave childhood and enter adulthood, and take on the responsibilities of a grown Yanomami woman. After a young girl gets her period, she is forbidden to show her genitalia and must keep herself covered with a loincloth.[16]

The menstrual cycle of Yanomami women does not occur frequently due to constant nursing or child birthing, and is treated as a very significant occurrence only at this time.[23]


Main article: Yanomaman languages

Yanomaman languages comprise four main varieties: Ninam, Sanumá, Waiká and Yanomamö. Many local variations and dialects also exist, such that people from different villages cannot always understand each other. Many linguists consider the Yanomaman family to be a language isolate, unrelated to other South American indigenous languages. The origins of the language are obscure.


In early anthropological studies the Yanomami culture was described as being permeated with violence. The Yanomami people have a history of acting violently not only towards other tribes, but towards one another.[24][25]

An influential ethnography by anthropologist Napoleon Chagnon described the Yanomami as living in "a state of chronic warfare".[13] Chagnon's account and similar descriptions of the Yanomami portrayed them as aggressive and warlike, and sparked controversy amongst anthropologists and created an enormous interest in the Yanomami. The debate centered around the degree of violence in Yanomami society, the question of whether violence and warfare could be seen as an inherent part of Yanomami culture, or whether it was better explained as a response to specific historical situations. Writing in 1985 anthropologist Jacques Lizot, who had lived among the Yanomami for more than twenty years, stated:

I would like my book to help revise the exaggerated representation that has been given of Yanomami violence. The Yanomami are warriors; they can be brutal and cruel, but they can also be delicate, sensitive, and loving. Violence is only sporadic; it never dominates social life for any length of time, and long peaceful moments can separate two explosions. When one is acquainted with the societies of the North American plains or the societies of the Chaco in South America, one cannot say that Yanomami culture is organized around warfare as Chagnon does[15]

Anthropologists working in the ecologist tradition such as Marvin Harris, argued that a culture of violence had evolved among the Yanomami through competition resulting from a lack of nutritional resources in their territory.[26][27] However the 1995 study, "Yanomami Warfare" by R. Brian Ferguson, examined all documented cases of warfare among the Yanomami and concluded that:

Although some Yanomami really have been engaged in intensive warfare and other kinds of bloody conflict, this violence is not an expression of Yanomami culture itself. It is, rather, a product of specific historical situations: The Yanomami make war not because Western culture is absent, but because it is present, and present in certain specific forms. All Yanomami warfare that we know about occurs within what Neil Whitehead and I call a "tribal zone", an extensive area beyond state administrative control, inhabited by nonstate people who must react to the far-flung effects of the state presence.[28]

Ferguson stresses the idea that contrary to Chagnon's description of the Yanomami as unaffected by Western culture, the Yanomami experienced the effects of colonization long before their territory became accessible to Westerners in the 1950s, and that they had acquired many influences and materials from Western culture through trade networks, much earlier.[24]

Percentage of male deaths due to warfare in two Yanomami subgroups, as compared to other indigenous ethnic groups in New Guinea and South America and to some industrialized nations.

Violence is one of the leading causes of Yanomami death. Up to half of all of Yanomami males die violent deaths in the constant conflict between neighboring communities over local resources. Often these confrontations lead to the Yanomami leaving their villages in search of new ones.[22] Women are often victims of physical abuse and anger. Inter-village warfare is common, but does not too commonly affect women. When Yanomami tribes fight and raid nearby tribes, women are often raped, beaten, and brought back to the shabono to be adopted into the captor's community. Wives may be beaten frequently, so as to keep them docile and faithful to their husbands.[24] Sexual jealousy causes much of the violence.[23] Women are beaten with clubs, sticks, machetes, and other blunt or sharp objects. Burning with a branding stick occurs often, and symbolizes a male’s strength or dominance over his wife.[16]

Yanomami men have been known to kill children while raiding enemy villages.[29] Helena Valero, a Brazilian woman kidnapped by Yanomami warriors in the 1930s, witnessed a Karawetari raid on her tribe:

They killed so many. I was weeping for fear and for pity but there was nothing I could do. They snatched the children from their mothers to kill them, while the others held the mothers tightly by the arms and wrists as they stood up in a line. All the women wept... The men began to kill the children; little ones, bigger ones, they killed many of them.[29]


See also: Gold mining

Gold was found in Yanomami territory in the early 1970s and the inevitable influx of miners brought disease, alcoholism, and violence. Yanomami culture was severely endangered.

In the mid-1970s, garimpeiros (small independent gold-diggers) started to enter the Yanomami country. Where these garimpeiros settled, they killed members of the Yanomami tribe in conflict over land. In addition, mining techniques by the garimpeiros led to environmental degradation. Despite the existence of FUNAI, the federal agency representing the rights and interests of indigenous populations, the Yanomami have received little protection from the government against these intrusive forces. In some cases the government can be cited as supporting the infiltration of mining companies into Yanomami lands. In 1978, the militarized government, under pressure from anthropologists and the international community, enacted a plan that demarcated land for the Yanomami. These reserves, however, were small "island" tracts of land lacking consideration for Yanomami lifestyle, trading networks, and trails, with boundaries that were determined solely by the concentration of mineral deposits.[30] In 1990, more than 40,000 garimpeiros had entered the Yanomami land.[31] In 1992, the government of Brazil led by Fernando Collor de Mello demarcated an indigenous Yanomami area on the recommendations of Brazilian anthropologists and Survival International, a campaign that started in the early 1970s. Non-Yanomami people continue to enter the land. The Brazilian and Venezuelan governments do not have adequate enforcement programs to prevent the entry of outsiders into this land.[32]

Ethical controversy has arisen about Yanomami blood taken for study by scientists such as Napoleon Chagnon and his associate James Neel. Although Yanomami religious tradition prohibits the keeping of any bodily matter after the death of that person, the donors were not warned that blood samples would be kept indefinitely for experimentation. Several prominent Yanomami delegations have sent letters to the scientists who are studying them, demanding the return of their blood samples. These samples are currently being taken out of storage for shipping to the Amazon as soon as the scientists can figure out whom to deliver them to and how to prevent any potential health risks for doing so.[33]

Members of the American Anthropological Association debated the dispute that has divided their discipline, voting 846 to 338 to rescind a 2002 report on allegations of misconduct by scholars' studying the Yanomami people. The dispute has raged since Patrick Tierney published Darkness in El Dorado in 2000. The book charged that anthropologists had repeatedly caused harm—and in some cases, death—to members of the Yanomami people whom they had studied in the 1960s.[34] In 2010 Brazilian director José Padilha revisited the Darkness in El Dorado controversy in his documentary Secrets of the Tribe.

Population decimation

During a three-year span from 1987 to 1990, the Yanomami population was severely decimated from malaria, mercury poisoning, malnourishment, and violence due to an influx of garimpeiros searching for gold in their territory.[35] Without the protection of the government, Yanomami populations declined when miners were allowed to enter the Yanomami territory frequently throughout this time span.[36] In 1987, FUNAI President Romero Jucá denied that the sharp increase in Yanomami deaths were due to garimpeiros invasions, and then-Brazilian President Sarney also supported the economic venture of the garimpeiros over the land rights of the Yanomami.[37] Anthropologists working closely with the Yanomami such as Alcida Ramos cite this three-year period as a genocide allowed by the Brazilian government.[38]

Main article: Haximu massacre

The Haximu Massacre (or Yanomami Massacre) was an armed conflict in 1993, just outside Haximu, Brazil, close to the border with Venezuela. A group of garimpeiros (gold miners) killed approximately 16 Yanomami. In turn, Yanomami warriors killed at least two garimpeiros and wounded two more.

In July 2012 the government of Venezuela investigated another alleged massacre. According to the Yanomami, a village of eighty people was attacked by a helicopter and the only known survivors of the village are three men who happened to be out hunting while the attack occurred.[39] However, in September 2012 Survival International, who had been supporting the Yanomami in this allegation, retracted it after journalists could find no evidence to support the claim.[40]

Groups working for the Yanomami

David Good, son of the anthropologist Kenneth Good and his wife Yarima, created The Good Project to help support the future of the Yanomami people.[41][42]

UK-based non-governmental organization Survival International has created global awareness-raising campaigns on the human rights situation of the Yanomami people.[43]

In 1988 the US-based World Wildlife Fund (WWF) funded the musical Yanomamo by Peter Rose and Anne Conlon to convey what is happening to the people and their natural environment in the Amazon rainforest.[44] It tells of Yanomami tribesmen/tribeswomen living in the Amazon and has been performed by many drama groups around the world.[45]

The German-based non-governmental organization Yanomami-Hilfe eV is building medical stations and schools for the Yanomami in Venezuela and Brazil.[46] Founder Christina Haverkamp crossed the Atlantic Ocean in 1992 on a self-made bamboo raft in order to draw attention to the continuing oppression of the Yanomami people.[47]

The Brazilian-based Yanomami formed their own indigenous organization Hutukara Associação Yanomami, and website.[48]

Comissão Pró-Yanomami (CCPY)

CCPY (formerly Comissão pela Criação do Parque Yanomami) is a Brazilian NGO focused on improving health care and education for the Yanomami.[49] Established in 1978 by photographer Claudia Andujar, anthropologist Bruce Albert and Catholic missionary Carlo Zacquini, CCPY has dedicated itself to the defense of Yanomami territorial rights and the preservation of Yanomami culture. CCPY launched an international campaign to publicize the destructive effects of the garimpeiro invasion and promoted a political movement to designate an area along the Brazil-Venezuela border as the Yanomami Indigenous Area.[50] This campaign was ultimately successful.[51]

Following demarcation of the Yanomami Indigenous Area in 1992, CCPY's health programs, in conjunction with the now-defunct NGO URIHI (Yanomami for "forest"), succeeded in reducing the incidence of malaria among the Brazilian Yanomami by educating Yanomami community health agents to diagnose and treat malaria. Between 1998 and 2001 the incidence of malaria among Brazilian Yanomami Indians dropped by 45%.[52][53]

In 2000, CCPY sponsored a project to foster a market for Yanomami-grown fruit trees. This project aimed to help the Yanomami as they transition to an increasingly more sedentary lifestyle due to environmental and political pressures.[54] In a separate venture the CCPY, as per request of Yanomami leaders, established Yanomami schools that teach Portuguese, aiming to aid the Yanomami in their navigation of Brazilian politics and international arenas in their struggle to defend land rights. Additionally, these village schools teach Yanomami about Brazilian society, including money use, good production, and record keeping.[37]

See also


  1. Povos Indigenas no Brasil: Yanomami. For a lower estimate of their total numbers, down to 25,000 which may be duplicated between sources in Venezuela and Brazil, see
  2. "The name Yanomami", Povos Indigenas no Brasil.
  3. Jacques Lizot, Diccionario Yanomami-Espanol, Central University of Venezuela, Faculty of Social and Scientific Economics, Caracas, 1975.
  4. Francisco Michelena y Rojas, Exploracion Oficial, Nelly Arvelo-Jiminez and Horacio Biord Castillo, eds., 1989. Iquitos, Peru: IIAP-CETA; pp. 171-72.
  5. John Hemming, Red Gold: The Conquest of the Brazilian Indians, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1978.
  6. Ritchie, Mark Andrew. Spirit of the Rainforest: A Yanomamo Shaman's Story. ISBN 0-9646952-3-5
  7. Smiljanic, Maria Inês. "Os enviados de Dom Bosco entre os Masiripiwëiteri. O impacto missionário sobre o sistema social e cultural dos Yanomami ocidentais (Amazonas, Brasil.)", Journal de la Société des Américanistes, 2002, pp. 137–158.
  8. "The Gold Rush," Povos Indigenas no Brasil.
  9. "A Comissão Pró-Yanomami e suas ações," [Portuguese].
  10. "Venezuelan tribes protest against violent mining gangs," Survival International News, 18 June 2015.
  11. Early, John (2000). The Xilixana Yanomami of the Amazon: History, Social Structure, and Population Dynamics. Gainesville, Florida: University Press of Florida. p. 4.
  12. Hames, Beierle, Raymond B., John. "Culture Summary: Yanoama". New Haven, Connecticut. Retrieved 10 December 2013.
  13. 1 2 Ya̦nomamö: the fierce people (Chagnon 1968; Chagnon 1977; Chagnon 1983; Chagnon 1992; Chagnon 1998; Chagnon 2012)
  14. "Yanomami Indians in the INTERSALT study" (accessed 14 January 2007)
  15. 1 2 Lizot, Jacques. 1985. Tales of the Yanomami: Daily Life in the Venezuelan Forest, Cambridge Studies in Social Anthropology, Cambridge University Press, Worcester; ISBN 0-521406722; pp. xiv–xv. Original volume in French: Le Cercle des feux: Faits e dits des Indiens yanomami, (1976)
  16. 1 2 3 4 Good, Kenneth, with David Chanoff (1988) Into the Heart. London: The Ulverscroft Foundation.
  17. Napoleon A. Chagnon (1992). Yanomamo. NY: Harcourt Brace College Publishers. Fourth edition.
  18. 1 2 Kenneth Good (1991). Into the Heart: One Man's Pursuit of Love and Knowledge Among the Yanomami. NY: Simon and Schuster.
  19. 1 2 Alcida Rita Ramos (1995). Sanuma Memories: Yanomami Ethnography in Times of Crisis. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.
  20. Schwartz, David M, with Victor Englebert. Vanishing Peoples Yanomami People of The Amazon. New York: Lothrop, Lee & Shepard Books.
  21. Cruz, Valdir (2002). Faces of the Rainforest: The Yanomami. New York: PowerHouse Books.
  22. 1 2 3 Chagnon, Napoleon A. (1968). Yanomamö: The Fierce People. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston.
  23. 1 2 Chagnon, Napoleon A.. (1974). Studying the Yanomamo. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston.
  24. 1 2 3 R. Brian Ferguson (1995). Yanomami Warfare: A Political History. Santa Fe: School for American Research Press.
  25. Ramos, A. R. (1987), Reflecting on the Yanomami: Ethnographic Images and the Pursuit of the Exotic. Cultural Anthropology, 2: 284–304. doi:10.1525/can.1987.2.3.02a00020
  26. Harris, Marvin. 1984. "A cultural materialist theory of band and village warfare: the Yanomamo test". in Warfare, Culture, and Environment, R.B. Ferguson (ed.) pp. 111–40. Orlando: Academic Press.
  27. Marvin Harris. 1979. The Yanomamö and the cause of war in band and village societies. In Brazil: Anthropological Perspectives, Essays in Honor of Charles Wagley. M. Margolis and W. Carter (eds.) pp. 121–32. New York Columbia University Press.
  28. Ferguson, R. Brian. 1995. Yanomami Warfare: A political history. SAR Press. p. 6
  29. 1 2 Christine Fielder, Chris King (2006). "Sexual Paradox: Complementarity, Reproductive Conflict and Human Emergence". LULU PR. p.156. ISBN 1-4116-5532-X
  30. Rabben, Linda (2004). Brazil's Indians and the Onslaught of Civilization. Seattle: University of Washington Press. p. 96.
  31. Kottak, Conrad Phillip (2004) Anthropology: the exploration of human diversity, 10th ed., p. 464, New York: McGraw-Hill.
  32. Chagnon, N. Yanomamo: Case Studies in Cultural Anthropology. 6th edition, Wadsworth Publishing, January 1, 2012; pp. 231–232.
  33. Couzin-Frankel, Jennifer. "Researchers to return blood samples to the Yanomamö". Science. Vol. 328, No. 5983: 1218.
  34. "Never Mind", Inside Higher Ed, 29 Jun 2005
  35. Ramos, Alcida (1995). Seduced and Abandoned: The Taming of Brazilian Indians. Iowa City: University of Iowa.
  36. John Hemming, "Roraima: Brazil's Northernmost Frontier." ISA Research Papers (20); University of London, School of Advanced Study. ISSN 0957-7947
  37. 1 2 Rabben, Linda (2004). Brazil's Indians and the Onslaught of Civilization. Seattle: University of Washington Press. p. 103.
  38. Ramos, Alcida (1995). Sanuma Memories: Yanomami Ethnography in Times of Crisis. Madison, WI: University Wisconsin Press. p. 291.
  39. "Venezuela investigating alleged massacre of indigenous people in the Amazon". MercoPress. 30 August 2012. Retrieved 9 April 2013.
  40. Jonathan Watts (11 September 2012). "Campaign group retracts Yanomami 'massacre' claims". The Guardian. Retrieved 13 September 2012.
  41. "Join the Good Project". Retrieved 31 July 2015.
  42. Kremer, William (29 August 2013). "Return to the rainforest: A son's search for his Amazonian mother". BBC News Magazine. Retrieved 29 August 2013.
  43. "The Yanomami". Survival for tribal people. Retrieved 9 April 2013.
  44. WWF Musicals for Schools
  45. Yanomamo: An Ecological Entertainment
  46. Christina Haverkamp. "Campaigns & Projects". Yanomami-hilfe e.V. Retrieved 9 April 2013.
  47. Christina Haverkamp. "Bamboo raft trip (1992)". Yanomami-hilfe e.V. Retrieved 9 April 2013.
  48. "Hutukara". Retrieved 9 April 2013.
  49. Comissão Pró Yanomami - CCPY
  50. Berwick, Dennison. "Savages, The Life And Killing of the Yanomami" Macfarlane Walter & Ross (1992) ISBN 0921912331
  51. Davi Kopenawa, The Falling Sky, Harvard University Press, 2013. ISBN 0674726111
  52. Macauley C. “Aggressive Active Case Detection: A Malaria Control Strategy Based on the Brazilian Model.” Social Science & Medicine, Feb;60(3):563-73 (2005).
  53. The work of URIHI in the Yanomami Area, 2000-2004
  54. Posey, Darrell (2006). Human Impacts On Amazonia: The Role Of Traditional Ecological Knowledge In Conservation And Development. New York: Columbia University Press. p. 241.
  55. "Cannibal Holocaust—Yanomamo".
  56. Andrew N. Woznicki. "Endocannibalism of the Yanomami". The Summit Times.
  57. "Yanomamo". Rose-Conlon Music.
  58. "Yanomamo Chorus Book". Josef Weinberger.
  59. "Yai Wanonabälewä review". Focus on the family.
  60. Max Brooks. World War Z. Crown Publishing Group.

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