Spanish phonology

This article is about the phonology and phonetics of the Spanish language. Unless otherwise noted, statements refer to Castilian Spanish, the standard dialect used in Spain on radio and television.[1][2][3][4] For historical development of the sound system see History of Spanish. For details of geographical variation see Spanish dialects and varieties.

Spanish has many allophones, so it is important here to distinguish phonemes (written between slashes / /) and corresponding allophones (written between brackets [ ]).

Consonants

Consonant phonemes[5]
Labial Dental Alveolar Palatal Velar
Nasal m n ɲ
Stop pb td ʝ kɡ
Continuant f (θ) s (ʃ) x
Lateral l (ʎ)
Flap ɾ
Trill ɲ

The phonemes /b/, /d/, and /ɡ/ are realized as approximants (namely [β̞, ð̞, ɣ˕], hereafter represented without the undertack) or fricatives[6] in all places except after a pause, after a nasal consonant, or—in the case of /d/—after a lateral consonant; in such contexts they are realized as voiced stops.[7]

The phoneme /ʝ/ is realized as an approximant in all contexts except after a pause, a nasal, or a lateral. In these environments, it may be realized as an affricate ([ɟʝ]).[8][9] The approximant allophone differs from non-syllabic /i/ in a number of ways; it has a lower F2 amplitude, is longer, can only appear in the syllable onset (including word-initially, where non-syllabic /i/ normally never appears), is a palatal fricative in emphatic pronunciations, and is unspecified for rounding (e.g. viuda [ˈbjuða] 'widow' vs ayuda [aˈʝʷuða] 'help').[10] The two also overlap in distribution after /l/ and /n/: enyesar [ẽɲɟʝeˈsaɾ] ('to plaster') aniego [aˈnjeɣo] ('flood').[9] Although there is dialectal and ideolectal variation, speakers may also exhibit other near-minimal pairs like abyecto ('abject') vs abierto ('opened').[11][12] There are some alternations between the two, prompting scholars like Alarcos Llorach (1950)[13] to postulate an archiphoneme /I/, so that ley [lei̯] would be transcribed phonemically as /ˈleI/ and leyes [ˈleʝes] as /ˈleIes/.

In a number of varieties, including some American ones, a process parallel to the one distinguishing non-syllabic /i/ from consonantal /ʝ/ occurs for non-syllabic /u/ and a rare consonantal /w̝/.[9][14] Near-minimal pairs include deshuesar [dezw̝eˈsaɾ] ('to bone') vs. desuello [deˈsweʎo] ('skinning'), son huevos [ˈsõŋ ˈw̝eβos] ('they are eggs') vs son nuevos [ˈsõⁿ ˈnweβos] ('they are new'),[15] and huaca [ˈ(ɡ)w̝aka] ('Indian grave') vs u oca [ˈwoka] ('or goose').[16]

The phoneme /ʎ/ (as distinct from /ʝ/) is found in some areas in Spain (mostly northern and rural) and some areas of South America (mostly highlands).

Most speakers in Spain (except for Western Andalusia and all Canary Islands), including the variety prevalent on radio and television, have both /θ/ and /s/ (distinción). However, speakers in Latin America and those parts of southern Spain have only /s/ (seseo). Some speakers in southernmost Spain (especially coastal Andalusia) have only [] (a consonant similar to /θ/) and not /s/ (ceceo). This "ceceo" is not entirely unknown in the Americas, especially in coastal Peru. The phoneme /s/ has three different pronunciations ("laminal s", "apical s" or "apical dental s") depending on dialect.

The phonemes /t/ and /d/ are laminal denti-alveolars ([, ]).[7] The phoneme /s/ becomes dental [s̪] before denti-alveolar consonants,[8] while /θ/ remains interdental [θ̟] in all contexts.[8]

Before front vowels /i, e/, the velar consonants /k, ɡ, x/ (including the lenited allophone of /ɡ/) are realized as post-palatal [, ɡ˖, , ɣ˕˖].[17]

According to some authors,[18] /x/ is post-velar or uvular in the Spanish of northern and central Spain.[19][20][21][22] Others[23] describe /x/ as velar in European Spanish, with a uvular allophone ([χ]) appearing before /u/ (including when /u/ is in the syllable onset as [w]).[8]

A common pronunciation of /f/ in nonstandard speech is the voiceless bilabial fricative [ɸ], so that fuera is pronounced [ˈɸweɾa] rather than [ˈfweɾa].[24][25][26][27][28][29][30] In some Extremaduran, western Andalusian, and American varieties, this softened realization of /f/, when it occurs before /w/, is subject to merger with /x/; in some areas the homophony of fuego/juego is resolved by replacing fuego with lumbre or candela.[31][32]

/ʃ/ is a marginal phoneme that occurs only in loanwords; many speakers have difficulty with this sound, tending to replace it with /tʃ/ or /s/. In a number of dialects (most notably, Northern Mexican Spanish, informal Chilean Spanish, and some Caribbean and Andalusian accents) [ʃ] occurs, as a deaffricated /tʃ/.[25]

Consonant neutralizations

Some of the phonemic contrasts between consonants in Spanish are lost in certain phonological environments, and especially in syllable-final position. In these cases the phonemic contrast is said to be neutralized.

Sonorants

Nasals and laterals

The three nasal phonemes/m/, /n/, and /ɲ/—maintain their contrast when in syllable-initial position (e.g. cama 'bed', cana 'grey hair', caña 'sugar cane'). In syllable-final position, this three-way contrast is lost as nasals assimilate to the place of articulation of the following consonant[8]—even across a word boundary;[33] or, if a nasal is followed by a pause rather than a consonant, it is realized for most speakers as alveolar [n] (though in Caribbean varieties this may instead be [ŋ] or an omitted nasal with nasalization of the preceding vowel).[34][35] Thus /n/ is realized as [m] before labial consonants, and as [ŋ] before velar ones.

Similarly, /l/ assimilates to the place of articulation of a following coronal consonant, i.e. a consonant that is interdental, dental, alveolar, or palatal.[36][37][38]

Assimilatory nasal and lateral allophones are shown in the following table:

nasal lateral
word IPA gloss word IPA gloss
ánfora [ˈãɱfoɾa] 'amphora'
encía [ẽn̟ˈθi.a] 'gum' alzar [al̟ˈθaɾ] 'to raise'
antes [ˈãn̪t̪es] 'before' alto [ˈal̪t̪o] 'tall'
ancha [ˈãnʲtʃa] 'wide' colcha [ˈkolʲtʃa] 'quilt'
nyuge [ˈkõɲɟʝuxe] 'spouse'
rincón [rĩŋˈkõn] 'corner'
enjuto [ẽɴˈχut̪o] 'thin'
Rhotics

The alveolar trill [r] and the alveolar tap [ɾ] are in phonemic contrast word-internally between vowels (as in carro 'car' vs caro 'expensive'), but are otherwise in complementary distribution. Only the trill can occur after /l/, /n/, or /s/ (e.g. alrededor, enriquecer, Israel), and word-initially (e.g. rey 'king'). After a stop or fricative consonant (but not /s/), only the tap can occur (e.g. tres 'three', frío 'cold').

In syllable-final position, inside a word, the tap is more frequent, but the trill can also occur (especially in emphatic[39] or oratorical[40] style) with no semantic difference—thus arma ('weapon') may be either [ˈaɾma] (tap) or [ˈarma] (trill).[41]

In word-final position the rhotic is usually:

The tap/trill alternation has prompted a number of authors to postulate a single underlying rhotic; the intervocalic contrast then results from gemination (e.g. tierra /ˈtieɾɾa/ > [ˈtjera] 'earth').[42][43][44]

Obstruents

The phonemes /θ/, /s/,[8] and /f/[45][46] become voiced before voiced consonants as in jazmín ('Jasmine') [xaðˈmĩn], rasgo ('feature') [ˈrazɣo], and Afganistán ('Afghanistan') [avɣanisˈtãn]. There is a certain amount of free variation in this so that jazmín can be pronounced [xaθˈmĩn] or [xaðˈmĩn].[47]

Both in casual and in formal speech, there is no phonemic contrast between voiced and voiceless consonants placed in syllable-final position. The merged phoneme is typically pronounced as a relaxed, voiced fricative or approximant,[48] although a variety of other realizations are also possible. So the clusters -bt- and -pt- in the words obtener and optimista are pronounced exactly the same way:

Similarly, the spellings -dm- and -tm- are merged in pronunciation, as well as -gd- and -cd-:

Vowels

Spanish vowel chart, from Ladefoged & Johnson (2010:227)
Front Central Back
Close i u
Mid e o
Open a

Spanish has five vowels /i/, /u/, /e/, /o/ and /ɡ/. Each occurs in both stressed and unstressed syllables:[49]

stressed unstressed
word gloss word gloss
piso /ˈpiso/ 'I step' pi /piˈso/ 's/he stepped'
pujo /ˈpuxo/ 'I bid' (present tense) pu /puˈxo/ 's/he bid'
peso /ˈpeso/ 'I weigh' pe /peˈso/ 's/he weighed'
poso /ˈposo/ 'I pose' po /poˈso/ 's/he posed'
paso /ˈpaso/ 'I pass' pa /paˈso/ 's/he passed'

Nevertheless, there are some distributional gaps or rarities. For instance, an unstressed high vowel in the final syllable of a word is rare.[50]

Allophones

Phonetic nasalization occurs for vowels occurring between nasal consonants or when preceding a syllable-final nasal, e.g. cinco [ˈθĩŋko] ('five').[49]

Arguably, Eastern Andalusian and Murcian Spanish have ten phonemic vowels, with each of the above vowels paired by a lowered or fronted and lengthened version, e.g. la madre [la ˈmaðɾe] ('the mother') vs. las madres [læ̞ː ˈmæ̞ːðɾɛː] ('the mothers').[51] However, these are more commonly analyzed as allophones triggered by an underlying /s/ that is subsequently deleted.

Exact number of allophones

There is no agreement among scholars on how many vowel allophones Spanish has; an often[52] postulated number is five [i, u, , , ].

Some scholars,[53] however, state that Spanish has eleven allophones: the close and mid vowels have close [i, u, e, o] and open [, , ɛ, ɔ] allophones, whereas /ɡ/ appears in palatal [a], central [] and velar [ɑ] variants. These symbols appear only in the narrowest variant of phonetic transcription; in more broad variants, only the symbols [i, u, e, o, a] are used,[54] and that is the convention adopted in this article as well (save for this section, for the sake of clarity).

Tomás Navarro Tomás describes the distribution of said eleven allophones as follows:[55]

According to Eugenio Martínez Celdrán, however, systematic classification of Spanish allophones is impossible due to the fact that their occurrence varies from speaker to speaker and from region to region. According to him, the exact degree of openness of Spanish vowels depends not so much on the phonetic environment, but rather on various external factors accompanying speech.[56]

Diphthongs and triphthongs

Spanish diphthongs[49]
IPA Example Meaning
Falling
/ai/ aire air
/au/ pausa pause
/ei/ rey king
/eu/ neutro neutral
/oi/ hoy today
/ou/[57] bou seine fishing
Rising
/ja/ hacia towards
/je/ tierra earth
/jo/ radio radio
/ju/ viuda widow
/wa/ cuadro picture
/we/ fuego fire
/wi/[58] buitre vulture
/wo/ cuota quota

Spanish has six falling diphthongs and eight rising diphthongs. While many diphthongs are historically the result of a recategorization of vowel sequences (hiatus) as diphthongs, there is still lexical contrast between diphthongs and hiatus.[59] There are also some lexical items that vary amongst speakers and dialects between hiatus and diphthong: words like biólogo ('biologist') with a potential diphthong in the first syllable and words like diálogo with a stressed or pretonic sequence of /i/ and a vowel vary between a diphthong and hiatus.[60] Chițoran & Hualde (2007) hypothesize that this is because vocalic sequences are longer in these positions.

In addition to synalepha across word boundaries, sequences of vowels in hiatus become diphthongs in fast speech; when this happens, one vowel becomes non-syllabic (unless they are the same vowel, in which case they fuse together) as in poeta [ˈpo̯eta] ('poet') and maestro [ˈma̯estɾo] ('teacher').[61] Similarly, the relatively rare diphthong /eu/ may be reduced to [u] in certain unstressed contexts, as in Eufemia, [uˈfemja].[62] In the case of verbs like aliviar ('relieve'), diphthongs result from the suffixation of normal verbal morphology onto a stem-final /j/ (that is, aliviar would be |alibj| + |ar|).[63] This contrasts with verbs like ampliar ('to extend') which, by their verbal morphology, seem to have stems ending in /i/.[64] Spanish also possesses triphthongs like /wei/ and, in dialects that use a second person plural conjugation, /jai/, /jei/, and /wai/ (e.g. buey, 'ox'; cambiáis, 'you change'; cambiéis, '(that) you may change'; and averiguáis, 'you ascertain').[65]

Non-syllabic /e/ and /o/ can be reduced to [ʝ], [w̝], as in beatitud [bʝatiˈtuð] ('beatitude') and poetisa [pw̝eˈtisa] ('poetess'), respectively; similarly, non-syllabic /ɡ/ can be completely elided, as in (e.g. ahorita [oˈɾita] 'right away'). The frequency (though not the presence) of this phenomenon differs amongst dialects, with a number having it occur rarely and others exhibiting it always.[66]

Prosody

Spanish is usually considered a syllable-timed language. Even so, stressed syllables can be up to 50% longer in duration than non-stressed syllables.[67][68][69] Although pitch, duration, and loudness contribute to the perception of stress,[70] pitch is the most important in isolation.[71]

Primary stress occurs on the penultima (the next-to-last syllable) 80% of the time. The other 20% of the time, stress falls on the ultima and antepenultima (third-to-last syllable).[72]

Nonverbs are generally stressed on the penultimate syllable for vowel-final words and on the final syllable of consonant-final words. Exceptions are marked orthographically (see below), whereas regular words are underlyingly phonologically marked with a stress feature [+stress].[73]

In addition to exceptions to these tendencies, particularly learned words from Greek and Latin that feature antepenultimate stress, there are numerous minimal pairs which contrast solely on stress such as sábana ('sheet') and sabana ('savannah'), as well as límite ('boundary'), limite ('[that] he/she limit') and limité ('I limited').

Lexical stress may be marked orthographically with an acute accent (ácido, distinción, etc.). This is done according to the mandatory stress rules of Spanish orthography, which are similar to the tendencies above (differing with words like distinción) and are defined so as to unequivocally indicate where the stress lies in a given written word. An acute accent may also be used to differentiate homophones, such as mi (my), and (me). In such cases, the accent is used on the homophone that normally receives greater stress when used in a sentence.

Lexical stress patterns are different between words carrying verbal and nominal inflection: in addition to the occurrence of verbal affixes with stress (something absent in nominal inflection), underlying stress also differs in that it falls on the last syllable of the inflectional stem in verbal words while those of nominal words may have ultimate or penultimate stress.[74] In addition, amongst sequences of clitics suffixed to a verb, the rightmost clitic may receive secondary stress, e.g. búscalo /ˈbuskaˌlo/ ('look for it').[75]

Alternations

A number of alternations exist in Spanish that reflect diachronic changes in the language and arguably reflect morphophonological processes rather than strictly phonological ones. For instance, a number of words alternate between /k/ and /θ/ or /ɡ/ and /x/, with the latter in each pair appearing before a front vowel:[76]

word gloss word gloss
opaco /oˈpako/ 'opaque' opacidad /opaθiˈdad/ 'opacity'
sueco /ˈsweko/ 'Swedish' Suecia /ˈsweθja/ 'Sweden'
belga /ˈbelɡa/ 'Belgian' Bélgica /ˈbelxika/ 'Belgium'
análogo /aˈnaloɡo/ 'analogous' analogía /analoˈxia/ 'analogy'

Note that the conjugation of most verbs with a stem ending in /k/ or /ɡ/ does not show this alternation; these segments do not turn into /θ/ or /x/ before a front vowel:

word gloss word gloss
seco /ˈseko/ 'I dry' seque /ˈseke/ '(that) I/he/she dry (subjunctive)'
castigo /kasˈtiɡo/ 'I punish' castigue /kasˈtiɡe/ '(that) I/he/she punish (subjunctive)'

There are also alternations between unstressed /e/ and /o/ and stressed /je/ and /we/ respectively:[77]

word gloss word gloss
he /eˈlo/ 'it froze' hiela /ˈʝela/ 'it freezes'
tostó /tosˈto/ 'he toasted' tuesto /ˈtwesto/ 'I toast'

Likewise, in a very small number of words, alternations occur between the palatal sonorants /ʎ ɲ/ and their corresponding alveolar sonorants /l n/ (doncella/doncel 'maiden'/'youth', desdeñar/desdén 'to scorn'/'scorn'). This alternation does not appear in verbal or nominal inflection (that is, the plural of doncel is donceles, not *doncelles).[78] This is the result of geminated /ll/ and /nn/ of Vulgar Latin (the origin of /ʎ/ and /ɲ/, respectively) degeminating and then depalatalizing in coda position.[79] Words without any palatal-alveolar allomorphy are the result of historical borrowings.[79]

Other alternations include /ks/ ~ /x/ (anexo vs anejo),[80] /kt/ ~ /tʃ/ (nocturno vs noche).[81] Here the forms with /ks/ and /kt/ are historical borrowings and the forms with /x/ and /tʃ/ forms are inherited from Vulgar Latin.

There are also pairs that show antepenultimate stress in nouns and adjectives but penultimate stress in synonymous verbs (vómito 'vomit' vs. vomito 'I vomit').[82]

Phonotactics

Spanish syllable structure can be summarized as follows; parentheses enclose optional components:

Spanish syllable structure consists of an optional syllable onset, consisting of one or two consonants; an obligatory syllable nucleus, consisting of a vowel optionally preceded by and/or followed by a semivowel; and an optional syllable coda, consisting of one or two consonants. The following restrictions apply:

Maximal onsets include transporte /tɾansˈpor.te/, flaco /ˈfla.ko/, clave /ˈkla.be/.

Maximal nuclei include buey /buei/, Uruguay /u.ɾuˈɡuai/.

Maximal codas include instalar /ins.taˈlar/, perspectiva /pers.pekˈti.ba/.

In many dialects, a coda cannot be more than one consonant (one of n, r, l or s) in informal speech. Realizations like /trasˈpor.te/, /is.taˈlar/, /pes.pekˈti.ba/ are very common, and in many cases, they are allowed even in formal speech.

Because of the phonotactic constraints, an epenthetic /e/ is inserted before word-initial cluster beginning with /s/ (e.g. escribir 'to write') but not word-internally (transcribir 'to transcribe'),[84] thereby moving the initial /s/ to a separate syllable. The epenthetic /e/ is pronounced even when it is not reflected in spelling (e.g. the surname of Carlos Slim is pronounced /esˈlin/). While Spanish words undergo word-initial epenthesis, cognates in Latin and Italian do not:

Spanish syllable structure is phrasal, resulting in syllables consisting of phonemes from neighboring words in combination, sometimes even resulting in elision. The phenomenon is known in Spanish as enlace.[85] For a brief discussion contrasting Spanish and English syllable structure, see Whitley (2002:32–35).

Acquisition as a first language

Phonology

Phonological development varies greatly by individual, both those developing regularly and those with delays. However, a general pattern of acquisition of phonemes can be inferred by the level of complexity of their features, i.e. by sound classes.[86] A hierarchy may be constructed, and if a child is capable of producing a discrimination on one level, he/she will also be capable of making the discriminations of all prior levels.[87]

This hierarchy is based on production only, and is a representation of a child’s capacity to produce a sound, whether that sound is the correct target in adult speech or not. Thus, it may contain some sounds that are not included in the adult phonology, but produced as a result of error.

Spanish-speaking children will accurately produce most segments at a relatively early age. By around three-and-a-half years, they will no longer productively use phonological processes the majority of the time. Some common error patterns (found 10% or more of the time) are cluster reduction, liquid simplification, and stopping. Less common patterns (evidenced less than 10% of the time) include palatal fronting, assimilation, and final consonant deletion.[88]

Typical phonological analyses of Spanish consider the consonants /b/, /d/, and /ɡ/ the underlying phonemes and their corresponding approximants [β], [ð], and [ɣ] allophonic and derivable by phonological rules. However, approximants may be the more basic form because monolingual Spanish-learning children learn to produce the continuant contrast between [p t k] and [β ð ɣ] before they do the lead voicing contrast between [p t k] and [b d ɡ].[89] (In comparison, English-learning children are able to produce adult-like voicing contrasts for these stops well before age three.)[90] The allophonic distribution of [b d ɡ] and [β ð ɣ] produced in adult speech is not learned until after age two and not fully mastered even at age four.[89]

The alveolar trill [r] is one of the most difficult sounds to be produced in Spanish and as a result is acquired later in development.[91] Research suggests that the alveolar trill is acquired and developed between the ages of three and six years.[92] Some children acquire an adult-like trill within this period and some fail to properly acquire the trill. The attempted trill sound of the poor trillers is often perceived as a series of taps owing to hyperactive tongue movement during production.[93]

The trill is also very difficult for those learning Spanish as a second language, sometimes taking over a year to produce properly.[94]

Codas

One research study found that children acquire medial codas before final codas, and stressed codas before unstressed codas.[95] Since medial codas are often stressed and must undergo place assimilation, greater importance is accorded to their acquisition.[83] Liquid and nasal codas occur word medially and at the ends of frequently-used function words, so they are often acquired first.[96]

Prosody

Research suggests that children overgeneralize stress rules when they are reproducing novel Spanish words and that they have a tendency to stress the penultimate syllables of antepenultimately stressed words, to avoid a violation of nonverb stress rules that they have acquired.[97] Many of the most frequent words heard by children have irregular stress patterns or are verbs, which violate nonverb stress rules.[98] This complicates stress rules until ages three to four, when stress acquisition is essentially complete, and children begin to apply these rules to novel irregular situations.

Dialectal variation

Some features, such as the pronunciation of voiceless stops /p t k/, have no dialectal variation.[99] However, there are numerous other features of pronunciation that differ from dialect to dialect.

Yeísmo

Main article: Yeísmo

One notable dialectal feature is the merging of the voiced palatal fricative [ʝ] (as in ayer) with the palatal lateral approximant [ʎ] (as in calle) into one phoneme (yeísmo), with /ʎ/ losing its laterality. While the distinction between these two sounds has traditionally been a feature of Castilian Spanish, this merger has spread throughout most of Spain in recent generations, particularly outside of regions in close linguistic contact with Catalan and Basque.[100] In Spanish America, most dialects are characterized by this merger, with the distinction persisting mostly in parts of Peru, Bolivia, Paraguay, and northwestern Argentina.[101] In the other parts of Argentina, the phoneme resulting from the merger is realized as [ʒ];[8] and in Buenos Aires the sound has recently been devoiced to [ʃ] among the younger population; the change is spreading throughout Argentina.[102]

Seseo, ceceo and distinción

Main article: Seseo
Map showing the presence or absence of [θ] in the Iberian Peninsula. Areas in light green are either seseo zones for Spanish and Galician or areas where other languages, not having the [s] / [θ] contrast, are spoken

Speakers in northern and central Spain, including the variety prevalent on radio and television, have both /θ/ and /s/ (distinción, 'distinction'). However, speakers in Latin America, Canary Islands and some parts of southern Spain have only /s/ (seseo), which in southernmost Spain is pronounced [θ] and not [s] (ceceo).[8]

Realization of /s/

The phoneme /s/ has three different pronunciations depending on the dialect area:[8][37][103]

  1. An apical alveolar retracted fricative (or "apico-alveolar" fricative) [s̺] sounds a bit like English /ʃ/ and is characteristic of the northern and central parts of Spain and is also used by many speakers in Colombia's Antioquia department.[104][105]
  2. A laminal alveolar grooved fricative [s], much like the most common pronunciation of English /s/, is characteristic of western Andalusia (e.g. Málaga, Seville, and Cádiz), Canary Islands, and Latin America.
  3. An apical dental grooved fricative [s̄] (ad hoc symbol), which has a lisping quality and sounds something like a cross between English /s/ and /θ/ but is different from the /θ/ occurring in dialects that distinguish /s/ and /θ/. It occurs in eastern Andalusia like in Granada, Huelva, Córdoba, Jaén and Almería. It occurs only in dialects with ceceo.

Obaid describes the apico-alveolar sound as follows:[106]

There is a Castilian s, which is a voiceless, concave, apicoalveolar fricative: the tip of the tongue turned upward forms a narrow opening against the alveoli of the upper incisors. It resembles a faint /ʃ/ and is found throughout much of the northern half of Spain.

Dalbor describes the apico-dental sound as follows:[107]

[s̄] is a voiceless, corono-dentoalveolar groove fricative, the so-called s coronal or s plana because of the relatively flat shape of the tongue body.... To this writer, the coronal [s̄], heard throughout Andalusia, should be characterized by such terms as "soft," "fuzzy," or "imprecise," which, as we shall see, brings it quite close to one variety of /θ/.... Canfield has referred, quite correctly, in our opinion, to this [s̄] as "the lisping coronal-dental," and Amado Alonso remarks how close it is to the post-dental [θ̦], suggesting a combined symbol ] to represent it.

In some dialects, /s/ may become the approximant [ɹ] in the syllable coda (e.g. doscientos [doɹˈθjẽn̪tos] 'two hundred').[108] In many places, it debuccalizes to [h] in final position (e.g. niños [ˈnĩɲoh] 'children'), or before another consonant (e.g. fósforo [ˈfohfoɾo] 'match') so the change occurs in the coda position in a syllable.

From an autosegmental point of view, the /s/ phoneme in Madrid is defined only by its voiceless and fricative features. Thus, the point of articulation is not defined and is determined from the sounds following it in the word or sentence. In Madrid, the following realizations are found: /pesˈkado/ > [pexˈkao] and /ˈfosfoɾo/ > [ˈfofːoɾo]. In parts of southern Spain, the only feature defined for /s/ appears to be voiceless;[109] it may lose its oral articulation entirely to become [h] or even a geminate with the following consonant ([ˈmihmo] or [ˈmĩmːo] from /ˈmismo/ 'same').[110] In Eastern Andalusian and Murcian Spanish, word-final /s/, /θ/ and /x/ (phonetically [h]) regularly weaken, and the preceding vowel is lowered and lengthened:[111]

/is/ > [i̞ː] e.g. mis [mi̞ː] ('my' pl)
/es/ > [ɛː] e.g. mes [mɛː] ('month')
/as/ > [æ̞ː] e.g. más [mæ̞ː] ('plus')
/os/ > [ɔː] e.g. tos [tɔː] ('cough')
/us/ > [u̞ː] e.g. tus [tu̞ː] ('your' pl)

A subsequent process of vowel harmony takes place so lejos ('far') is [ˈlɛxɔ], tenéis ('you all have') is [tɛˈnɛi] and tréboles ('clovers') is [ˈtɾɛβɔlɛ] or [ˈtɾɛβolɛ].[112]

Coda simplification

Southern European Spanish (Andalusian Spanish, Murcian Spanish, etc.) and several lowland dialects in Latin America (such as those from the Caribbean, Panama, and the Atlantic coast of Colombia) exhibit more extreme forms of simplification of coda consonants:

The dropped consonants appear when additional suffixation occurs (e.g. compases [kõmˈpase] 'beats', venían [beˈni.ã] 'they were coming', comeremos [komeˈɾemo] 'we will eat'). Similarly, a number of coda assimilations occur:

Final /d/ dropping (e.g. mitad [miˈta] 'half') is general in most dialects of Spanish, even in formal speech.

The deletions and neutralizations show variability in their occurrence, even with the same speaker in the same utterance, so nondeleted forms exist in the underlying structure.[115] The dialects may not be on the path to eliminating coda consonants since deletion processes have been existing for more than four centuries.[116] Guitart (1997) argues that it is the result of speakers acquiring multiple phonological systems with uneven control like that of second language learners.

In Standard European Spanish, the voiced obstruents /b, d, ɡ/ before a pause are devoiced and laxed to [β̥˕, ð̥˕, ɣ̊˕], as in club [kluβ̥˕] ('[social] club'), sed [seð̥] ('thirst'), zigzag [θiɣˈθaɣ̊˕].[117] However, word-final /b/ is rare, and /ɡ/ even more so. They are restricted mostly to loanwords and foreign names, such as the first name of former Real Madrid sports director Predrag Mijatović, which is pronounced [ˈpɾeð̞ɾaɣ̊˕]; and after another consonant, the voiced obstruent may even be deleted, as in iceberg, pronounced [iθeˈβeɾ].[118]

Loan sounds

The fricative /ʃ/ may also appear in borrowings from other languages, such as Nahuatl[119] and English.[120] In addition, the affricates /ts/ and // also occur in Nahuatl borrowings.[119]

See also

Notes

  1. Random House Unabridged Dictionary, Random House Inc., 2006
  2. The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language (4th ed.), Houghton Mifflin Company, 2006
  3. Webster's Revised Unabridged Dictionary, MICRA, Inc., 1998
  4. Encarta World English Dictionary. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc. 2007. Retrieved 2008-08-05.
  5. Martínez Celdrán, Fernández Planas & Carrera Sabaté (2003:255)
  6. The continuant allophones of Spanish /b, d, ɡ/ have been traditionally described as voiced fricatives (e.g. Navarro Tomás (1918/1982), who (in §100) describes the air friction of [ð] as being "tenue y suave" ('weak and smooth'); Harris (1969); Dalbor (1969/1997); and Macpherson (1975:62), who describes [β] as being "...with audible friction"). However, they are more often described as approximants in recent literature, such as D'Introno, Del Teso & Weston (1995); Martínez Celdrán, Fernández Planas & Carrera Sabaté (2003); and Hualde (2005:43). The difference hinges primarily on air turbulence caused by extreme narrowing of the opening between articulators, which is present in fricatives and absent in approximants. Martínez Celdrán (2004) displays a sound spectrogram of the Spanish word abogado showing an absence of turbulence for all three consonants.
  7. 1 2 Martínez Celdrán, Fernández Planas & Carrera Sabaté (2003:257)
  8. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Martínez Celdrán, Fernández Planas & Carrera Sabaté (2003:258)
  9. 1 2 3 Trager (1942:222)
  10. Martínez Celdrán (2004:208)
  11. Saporta (1956:288)
  12. Bowen & Stockwell (1955:236) cite the minimal pair ya visto [(ɟ)ʝa ˈβisto] ('I already dress') vs y ha visto [ja ˈβisto] ('and he has seen')
  13. cited in Saporta (1956:289)
  14. Generally /w̝/ is [ɣʷ] though it may also be [βˠ] (Ohala & Lorentz (1977:590) citing Navarro Tomás (1961) and Harris (1969)).
  15. Saporta (1956:289)
  16. Bowen & Stockwell (1955:236)
  17. Canellada & Madsen (1987:20–21)
  18. For example Chen (2007), Hamond (2001) and Lyons (1981)
  19. Chen (2007:13)
  20. Hamond (2001:?), cited in Scipione & Sayahi (2005:128)
  21. Harris & Vincent (1988:83)
  22. Lyons (1981:76)
  23. such as Martínez Celdrán, Fernández Planas & Carrera Sabaté (2003)
  24. Boyd-Bowman (1953:229)
  25. 1 2 Cotton & Sharp (1988:15)
  26. Flórez (1951:171)
  27. Kany (1960:236)
  28. Lenz (1940:92 et seq.)
  29. Zamora Vicente (1967:413)
  30. Zapata Arellano (1975)
  31. Mott (2011:110)
  32. Penny (2000:122)
  33. Cressey (1978:61)
  34. MacDonald (1989:219)
  35. Lipski (1994:?)
  36. Navarro Tomás (1918/1982:§111)
  37. 1 2 Dalbor (1980)
  38. D'Introno, Del Teso & Weston (1995:118–121)
  39. D'Introno, Del Teso & Weston (1995:294)
  40. Canfield (1981:13)
  41. Harris (1969:56)
  42. Bowen, Stockwell & Silva-Fuenzalida (1956)
  43. Harris (1969)
  44. Bonet & Mascaró (1997)
  45. Harris (1969:37 n.)
  46. D'Introno, Del Teso & Weston (1995:289)
  47. Cotton & Sharp (1988:19)
  48. Navarro Tomás (1918/1982, §98, §125)
  49. 1 2 3 Martínez Celdrán, Fernández Planas & Carrera Sabaté (2003:256)
  50. Harris (1969:78, 145). Examples include words of Greek origin like énfasis /ˈenfasis/ ('emphasis'); the clitics su /su/, tu /tu/, mi /mi/; the three Latin words espíritu /esˈpiɾitu/ ('spirit'), tribu /ˈtɾibu/ ('tribe'), and ímpetu /ˈimpetu/ ('impetus'); and affective words like mami /ˈmami/ and papi /ˈpapi/.
  51. Zamora Vicente (1967:?). The first /ɡ/ in madres also undergoes this fronting process as part of a vowel harmony system. See #Realization of /s/ below.
  52. See e.g. Martínez Celdrán, Fernández Planas & Carrera Sabaté (2003)
  53. Such as Navarro Tomás (1918)
  54. Nowikow (2012:16)
  55. Navarro Tomás (1918), cited on Joaquim Llisterri's site
  56. Martínez Celdrán (1984:289, 294, 301)
  57. /ou/ occurs rarely in words; another example is the proper name Bousoño (Saporta 1956, p. 290). It is, however, common across word boundaries as with tengo una casa ('I have a house').
  58. Harris (1969:89) points to muy ('very') as the one example with [ui̯] rather than [wi]. There are also a handful of proper nouns with [ui̯], exclusive to Chuy (a nickname) and Ruy. There are no minimal pairs.
  59. Chițoran & Hualde (2007:45)
  60. Chițoran & Hualde (2007:46)
  61. Martínez Celdrán, Fernández Planas & Carrera Sabaté (2003:256–257)
  62. Cotton & Sharp (1988:18)
  63. Harris (1969:99–101).
  64. See Harris (1969:147–148) for a more extensive list of verb stems ending in both high vowels, as well as their corresponding semivowels.
  65. Saporta (1956:290)
  66. Bowen & Stockwell (1955:237)
  67. Navarro Tomás (1916)
  68. Navarro Tomás (1917)
  69. Quilis (1971)
  70. Cotton & Sharp (1988:19–20)
  71. García-Bellido (1997:492), citing Contreras (1963), Quilis (1971), and the Esbozo de una nueva gramática de la lengua española. (1973) by the Gramática de la Real Acedemia Española
  72. Lleó (2003:262)
  73. Hochberg (1988:684)
  74. García-Bellido (1997:473–474)
  75. García-Bellido (1997:486), citing Navarro Tomás (1917:381–382, 385)
  76. Harris (1969:79)
  77. Harris (1969:26–27)
  78. Pensado (1997:595–597)
  79. 1 2 Pensado (1997:608)
  80. Harris (1969:188)
  81. Harris (1969:189)
  82. Harris (1969:97)
  83. 1 2 Lleó (2003:278)
  84. Cressey (1978:86)
  85. Cataño, Barlow & Moyna (2009:456)
  86. Cataño, Barlow & Moyna (2009:448)
  87. Goldstein & Iglesias (1998:5–6)
  88. 1 2 Macken & Barton (1980b:455)
  89. Macken & Barton (1980b:73)
  90. Carballo & Mendoza (2000:588)
  91. Carballo & Mendoza (2000:589)
  92. Carballo & Mendoza (2000:596)
  93. Leibowitz, Brandon. "Spanish Phonology". Fluency Fox. Retrieved 5 April 2016.
  94. Lleó (2003:271)
  95. Lleó (2003:279)
  96. Hochberg (1988:683)
  97. Hochberg (1988:685)
  98. Cotton & Sharp (1988:55)
  99. Coloma (2011:110–111)
  100. Coloma (2011:95)
  101. Lipski, John (1994). Latin American Spanish. New York: Longman Publishing. p. 170.
  102. Obaid (1973)
  103. Flórez (1957:41)
  104. Canfield (1981:36)
  105. Obaid (1973).
  106. Dalbor (1980).
  107. Recasens (2004:436) citing Fougeron (1999) and Browman & Goldstein (1995)
  108. Isogloss map for s aspiration in the Iberian Peninsula
  109. Obaid (1973:62)
  110. Zamora Vicente (1967:?)
  111. Lloret (2007:24–25)
  112. 1 2 Guitart (1997:515)
  113. 1 2 Guitart (1997:517)
  114. Guitart (1997:515, 517–518)
  115. Guitart (1997:518, 527), citing Boyd-Bowman (1975) and Labov (1994:595)
  116. Wetzels & Mascaró (2001:224) citing Navarro Tomás (1961)
  117. The Oxford Spanish Dictionary (Oxford University Press, 1994).
  118. 1 2 Lope Blanch (2004:29)
  119. Ávila (2003:67)

References

  • Abercrombie, David (1967), Elements of General Phonetics, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press 
  • Alarcos Llorach, Emilio (1950), Fonología española, Madrid: Gredos 
  • Ávila, Raúl (2003), "La pronunciación del español: medios de difusión masiva y norma culta", Nueva Revista de Filología Hispánica, 51 (1): 57–79 
  • Bonet, Eulàlia; Mascaró, Joan (1997), "On the Representation of Contrasting Rhotics", in Martínez-Gil, Fernando; Morales-Front, Alfonso, Issues in the Phonology and Morphology of the Major Iberian Languages, Georgetown University Press, pp. 103–126 
  • Bowen, J. Donald; Stockwell, Robert P. (1955), "The Phonemic Interpretation of Semivowels in Spanish", Language, Linguistic Society of America, 31 (2): 236–240, doi:10.2307/411039, JSTOR 411039 
  • Bowen, J. Donald; Stockwell, Robert P.; Silva-Fuenzalida, Ismael (1956), "Spanish Juncture and Intonation", Language, 32 (4): 641–665, doi:10.2307/411088, JSTOR 411088 
  • Boyd-Bowman, Peter (1953), "Sobre la pronunciación del español en el Ecuador", Nueva Revista de Filología Hispánica, 7: 221–233 
  • Boyd-Bowman, Peter (1975), "A Sample of Sixteenth Century 'Caribbean' Spanish Phonology.", in Milán, William; Zamora, Juan C.; Staczek, John J., 1974 Colloquium on Spanish and Portuguese Linguistics, Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press, pp. 1–11 
  • Browman, C. P.; Goldstein, L. (1995), "Gestural Syllable Position in American English", in Bell-Berti, F.; Raphael, L.J., Producing Speech: Contemporary Issues for K Harris, New York: AIP, pp. 9–33 
  • Canfield, D. Lincoln (1981), Spanish Pronunciation in the Americas, Chicago: University of Chicago Press 
  • Canellada, María Josefa; Madsen, John Kuhlmann (1987), Pronunciación del español: lengua hablada y literaria, Madrid: Castalia, ISBN 978-8470394836 
  • Carballo, Gloria; Mendoza, Elvira (2000), "Acoustic Characteristics of Trill Productions by Groups of Spanish Children", Clinical Linguistics & Phonetics, 14 (8): 587–601, doi:10.1080/026992000750048125 
  • Cataño, Lorena; Barlow, Jessica A.; Moyna, María Irene (2009), "A Retrospective Study of Phonetic Inventory Complexity in Acquisition of Spanish: Implications for Phonological Universals", Clinical Linguistics & Phonetics, 23 (6): 446–472, doi:10.1080/02699200902839818 
  • Chen, Yudong (2007), A Comparison of Spanish Produced by Chinese L2 Learners and Native Speakers: An Acoustic Phonetics Approach, ISBN 9780549464037 
  • Chițoran, Ioana; Hualde, José Ignacio (2007), "From Hiatus to Diphthong: The Evolution of Vowel Sequences in Romance", Phonology, 24: 37–75, doi:10.1017/S095267570700111X 
  • Coloma, German (2011), "Valoracion socioeconomica de los rasgos foneticos dialectales de la lengua espanola.", Lexis, 35 (1): 91–118 
  • Contreras, Heles (1963), "Sobre el acento en español.", Boletín de Filología, Universidad de Santiago de Chile, 15: 223–237 
  • Cotton, Eleanor Greet; Sharp, John (1988), Spanish in the Americas, Georgetown University Press, ISBN 978-0-87840-094-2 
  • Cressey, William Whitney (1978), Spanish Phonology and Morphology: A Generative View, Georgetown University Press, ISBN 978-0-87840-045-4 
  • Dalbor, John B. (1969), Spanish Pronunciation: Theory and Practice: An Introductory Manual of Spanish Phonology and Remedial Drill (3rd (1997) ed.), Fort Worth: Holt, Rinehart and Winston 
  • Dalbor, John B. (1980), "Observations on Present-Day Seseo and Ceceo in Southern Spain", Hispania, American Association of Teachers of Spanish and Portuguese, 63 (1): 5–19, doi:10.2307/340806, JSTOR 340806 
  • D'Introno, Francesco; Del Teso, Enrique; Weston, Rosemary (1995), Fonética y fonología actual del español, Madrid: Cátedra 
  • Eddington, David (2000), "Spanish Stress Assignment within the Analogical Modeling of Language" (PDF), Language, Linguistic Society of America, 76 (1): 92–109, doi:10.2307/417394, JSTOR 417394 
  • Flórez, Luis (1951), La pronunciación del español en Bogotá, Bogotá: Publicaciones del Instituto Caro y Cuervo 
  • Flórez, Luis (1957), Habla y cultura popular en Antioquia, Bogotá: Instituto Caro y Cuervo 
  • Fougeron, C (1999), "Prosodically Conditioned Articulatory Variation: A Review", UCLA Working Papers in Phonetics, 97, pp. 1–73 
  • García-Bellido, Paloma (1997), "The Interface between Inherent and Structural Prominence in Spanish", in Martínez-Gil, Fernando; Morales-Front, Alfonso, Issues in the Phonology and Morphology of the Major Iberian Languages, Georgetown University Press, pp. 469–511 
  • Goldstein, Brian A.; Iglesias, Aquiles (1998), Phonological Production in Spanish-Speaking Preschoolers 
  • Guitart, Jorge M. (1997), "Variability, Multilectalism, and the Organization of Phonology in Caribbean Spanish Dialects", in Martínez-Gil, Fernando; Morales-Front, Alfonso, Issues in the Phonology and Morphology of the Major Iberian Languages, Georgetown University Press, pp. 515–536 
  • Hammond, Robert M. (2001), The Sounds of Spanish: Analysis and Application, Cascadilla Press, ISBN 978-1-57473-018-0 
  • Harris, James (1969), Spanish Phonology, Cambridge: MIT Press 
  • Harris, Martin; Vincent, Nigel (1988), "Spanish", The Romance Languages, pp. 79–130, ISBN 0-415-16417-6 
  • Hochberg, Judith G. (1988), "Learning Spanish Stress: Developmental and Theoretical Perspectives", Language, 64 (4): 683–706, doi:10.2307/414564, JSTOR 414564 
  • Hualde, José Ignacio (2005), The Sounds of Spanish, Cambridge University Press 
  • Kany, Charles (1960), American Spanish Semantics, University of California Press 
  • Labov, William (1994), Principles of Linguistic Change: Volume I: Internal Factors, Cambridge, MA: Blackwell Publishers 
  • Ladefoged, Peter; Johnson, Keith (2010), A Course in Phonetics (6th ed.), Boston, Massachusetts: Wadsworth Publishing, ISBN 978-1-4282-3126-9 
  • Lenz, Rodolfo (1940), "Fonética del castellano de Chile", El español en Chile (PDF), Facultad de Filosofía y Letras de la Universidad de Buenos Aires: Instituto de Filología, pp. 78–208 
  • Lipski, John M. (1994), Latin American Spanish, London: Longman 
  • Lipski, John M. (1990), Spanish Taps and Trills: Phonological Structure of an Isolated Position 
  • Lleó, Conxita (2003), "Prosodic Licensing of Codas in the Acquisition of Spanish", Probus, 15 (2): 257–281, doi:10.1515/prbs.2003.010 
  • Lloret, Maria-Rosa (2007), "On the Nature of Vowel Harmony: Spreading with a Purpose", in Bisetto, Antonietta; Barbieri, Francesco, Proceedings of the XXXIII Incontro di Grammatica Generativa, pp. 15–35 
  • Lope Blanch, Juan M. (2004), Cuestiones de filología mexicana, Mexico: editorial Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, ISBN 978-970-32-0976-7 
  • Lyons, John (1981), Language and Linguistics: An Introduction, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-54088-9 
  • MacDonald, Marguerite (1989), "The Influence of Spanish Phonology on the English Spoken by United States Hispanics", in Bjarkman, Peter; Hammond, Robert, American Spanish Pronunciation: Theoretical and Applied Perspectives, Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, pp. 215–236, ISBN 9780878404933 
  • Macken, Marlys A.; Barton, David (1980a), "The Acquisition of the Voicing Contrast in English: A Study of Voice Onset Time in Word-Initial Stop Consonants", Journal of Child Language, 7 (1): 41–74, doi:10.1017/S0305000900007029 
  • Macken, Marlys A.; Barton, David (1980b), "The Acquisition of the Voicing Contrast in Spanish: A Phonetic and Phonological Study of Word-Initial Stop Consonants", Journal of Child Language, 7 (3): 433–458, doi:10.1017/S0305000900002774, PMID 6969264 
  • Macpherson, Ian R. (1975), Spanish Phonology: Descriptive and Historical., Manchester University Press, ISBN 978-0-7190-0788-0 
  • Martínez Celdrán, Eugenio (1984), Fonética (Con especial referencia a la lengua castellana), Barcelona: Editorial Teide 
  • Martínez Celdrán, Eugenio; Fernández Planas, Ana Ma.; Carrera Sabaté, Josefina (2003), "Castilian Spanish", Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 33 (2): 255–259, doi:10.1017/S0025100303001373 
  • Martínez Celdrán, Eugenio (2004), "Problems in the Classification of Approximants", Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 34 (2): 201–210, doi:10.1017/S0025100304001732 
  • Mott, Brian Leonard (2011), Semantics and Translation for Spanish Learners of English, Publicacions i Edicions de la Universitat de Barcelona, ISBN 978-84-475-3548-4 
  • Navarro Tomás, Tomás (1916), "Cantidad de las vocales acentuadas", Revista de Filología Española, 3: 387–408 
  • Navarro Tomás, Tomás (1917), "Cantidad de las vocales inacentuadas", Revista de Filología Española, 4: 371–388 
  • Navarro Tomás, Tomás (1918), Manual de pronunciación española (21st (1982) ed.), Madrid: CSIC 
  • Nowikow, Wiaczesław (2012) [First published 1992], Fonetyka hiszpańska (3rd ed.), Warszawa: Wydawnictwo naukowe PWN, ISBN 978-83-01-16856-8 
  • Obaid, Antonio H. (1973), "The Vagaries of the Spanish 'S'", Hispania, American Association of Teachers of Spanish and Portuguese, 56 (1): 60–67, doi:10.2307/339038, JSTOR 339038 
  • Ohala, John; Lorentz, James (1977), "The Story of [w]: An Exercise in the Phonetic Explanation for Sound Patterns", in Whistler, Kenneth; Chiarelloet, Chris; van Vahn, Robert Jr., Proceedings of the 3rd Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, Berkeley: Berkeley Linguistic Society, pp. 577–599 
  • Penny, Ralph (2000), Variation and Change in Spanish, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-78045-4 
  • Pensado, Carmen (1997), "On the Spanish Depalatalization of /ɲ/ and /ʎ/ in Rhymes", in Martínez-Gil, Fernando; Morales-Front, Alfonso, Issues in the Phonology and Morphology of the Major Iberian Languages, Georgetown University Press, pp. 595–618 
  • Quilis, Antonio (1971), "Caracterización fonética del acento en español.", Travaux de Linguistique et de Littérature, 9: 53–72 
  • Recasens, Daniel (2004), "The Effect of Syllable Position on Consonant Reduction (Evidence from Catalan Consonant Clusters)", Journal of Phonetics, 32 (3): 435–453, doi:10.1016/j.wocn.2004.02.001 
  • Saporta, Sol (1956), "A Note on Spanish Semivowels", Language, Linguistic Society of America, 32 (2): 287–290, doi:10.2307/411006, JSTOR 411006 
  • Scipione, Ruth; Sayahi, Lotfi (2005), "Consonantal Variation of Spanish in Northern Morocco", in Sayahi, Lotfi; Westmoreland, Maurice, Selected Proceedings of the Second Workshop on Spanish Sociolinguistics (PDF), Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Proceedings Project 
  • Trager, George (1942), "The Phonemic Treatment of Semivowels", Language, Linguistic Society of America, 18 (3): 220–223, doi:10.2307/409556, JSTOR 409556 
  • Wetzels, W. Leo; Mascaró, Joan (2001), "The Typology of Voicing and Devoicing" (PDF), Language, 77 (2): 207–244, doi:10.1353/lan.2001.0123 
  • Whitley, M. Stanley (2002), Spanish/English Contrasts: A Course in Spanish Linguistics (2nd ed.), Georgetown University Press, ISBN 978-0-87840-381-3 
  • Zamora Vicente, Alonso (1967), Dialectología española (2nd ed.), Biblioteca Romanica Hispanica, Editorial Gredos 
  • Zapata Arellano, Rodrigo (1975), "Nota sobre la articulación del fonema /f/ en el español de Chile", Signos, 8: 131–133 

Further reading

  • Hammond, Robert M. (2001), The Sounds of Spanish: Analysis and Application, Somerville, Massachusetts: Cascadilla Press, ISBN 978-1-57473-018-0 
  • Monroy, Rafael; Hernández-Campoy, Juan Manuel (2015), "Murcian Spanish", Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 45 (2): 229–240, doi:10.1017/S0025100314000395 
  • Otero, C. (1986), "A unified metrical account of Spanish stress.", in Brame, M.; Newmeyer, F.J.; Contreras, H., A Festschrift for Sol Saporta, Seattle: Noit Amrofer, pp. 299–332 
  • Roca, Iggy (1990a), "Diachrony and synchrony in Spanish stress", Journal of Linguistics, 26: 133–164, doi:10.1017/s0022226700014456 
  • Roca, Iggy (1990b), "Morphology and verbal stress in Spanish", Probus, 2 (3): 321–50, doi:10.1515/prbs.1990.2.3.321 
  • Roca, Iggy (1992), "On the sources of word prosody", Phonology, Cambridge University Press, 9 (2): 267–287, doi:10.1017/S0952675700001615, JSTOR 4420057 
This article is issued from Wikipedia - version of the 11/24/2016. The text is available under the Creative Commons Attribution/Share Alike but additional terms may apply for the media files.